Obesity Amongst Mexican Children Essay Example for Free

Obesity Amongst Mexican Children Essay Abstract: The prevalence of overweight children in the United States of Mexican descent is higher for second generation than their first generation counterparts. First generation immigrants tend to keep a healthier lifestyle by consuming more fresh fruits and vegetables, walking longer distances and smoking less than the more acculturated Mexican-Americans. Acculturation is a major contributing factor for the alarming rates of obesity within Mexican children. When children of Mexican immigrants are exposed to American society, they develop unhealthy habits such as eating pizza and hot dogs during school lunch hours, access to vending machines, and media exposure where they are constantly bombarded with food related commercials of unhealthy nature. A lower socio-economic status, such as the recently immigrated parents, is also a contributing factor for obesity within Mexican children. High calorie and high fat content foods tend to be less expensive than fresh fruits and fresh vegetables, leading to poorer, unhealthier choices. Fast food chains are prohibitory expensive in Mexico, whereas in the US they are not. As young Mexican children develop their sense of identity while they separate from their parents or caregivers and seek acceptance from their American peers, they integrate themselves into the fast food culture leading to obesity amongst Mexican-American children of second generation in the US. The incidence of obesity in Mexican adults has increased markedly over the years. Data from the 1993 National Survey of Chronic Diseases (Encuesta Nacional de Enfermedades Cronicas) showed an obesity prevalence of 21. 5%. The 2000 National Health Survey (Encuesta Nacional de Salud) indicated that 24% of adults suffered obesity. Data from the 2006 National Health and Nutrition Survey (ENSANUT 2006) revealed that 30% of adults of both sexes were obese. (Rojas,R, Aguilar-Salinas, C. , Jimenez, A. , Gomez, F. , Barquera, S. , 2012, p. 8) In the last two decades, the prevalence of childhood obesity, defined as at or above the 95th percentile of body mass index (BMI) for age and gender (Center for Disease Control, 2009), has more than doubled among children aged 6–11 years and tripled among adolescents aged 12–19 years, and here is no evidence that this trend is coming to an end (Ogden, 2002). This is a serious public health concern because obese children and adolescents are at an increased risk for various physical, mental, and emotional health problems, including impaired glucose tolerance , insulin resistance, atherosclerosis , coronary heart disease in adulthood , development of eating disorders, and low self-esteem (Seo, D. Sa, J. , 2009). The obesity epidemic disproportionately affects racial/ethnic minority children, who are defined as American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian American, Black, African American, Hispanic, Latino, Native Hawaiian, or OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 3 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? other Pacific Islander (CDC, 2009). According to estimates based on the 2001–2002 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES), among children aged 6–19 years, 22. 2% of Mexican American children and 20. 5% of non-Hispanic Blacks were obese as compared with only 13. 6% of non-Hispanic whites. Other studies performed by Ogden and colleagues (2002) also affirm a larger prevalence of obesity among Mexican American and Black children compared with white children. These rates of obesity are far from the 2010 national health objective of Healthy People 2010. The higher incidence of obesity among minority children is alarming because these racial/ethnic groups have a lower insulin sensitivity than white children (Seo, D, Sa, J. 2009). Obesity is an epidemic facing millions of people across the globe, resulting in more than 300,000 deaths in the United States alone (Dishman, 2004). Historically, the majority of people affected by obesity were adults. However, in the last decade this epidemic has spread to our youth. Excess weight in U. S. children has increased in prevalence and has become a serious public health concern. Currently, about 33% of children ages 2–5 in the U. S. are overweight (BMI in the 85th percentile or above), and 12% are considered obese (BMI in the 95th percentile or above) (CDC, 2009). Overweight children have a 70–80% chance of becoming overweight or obese adults, which may lead to an increase in obesity related disease among adults (United States Department of Human Health and Services, 2007). Obesity is one of the leading risk factors for disease and fatal health conditions, such as hypertension, type II diabetes, coronary heart disease, stroke, gallbladder disease, osteoarthritis, sleep apnea and respiratory problems, and some cancers (CDC, 2009). Not only is obesity linked to clinical conditions, but it may also lead to mental health problems such as self-blame and low self-esteem ( Haboush, A., Phebus, T. , Tanata Ashby, D. , Zaikina-Montgomery, H. , Kindig, K. , 2011). This paper will focus on the contributing factors for the alarming obesity rates amongst Mexican children. Are second generation Mexican children more prone to obesity than their first generation counterparts? Mexican immigrant parents usually don’t view obesity as a threatening health issue. In fact, some research reports that Mexican mothers see childhood obesity as a sign of good heath (Rosas et al. ) and thinness as a sigh of illness (Sosa, 2012). Acculturation, or the process of adjusting to a new culture, describes social, psychological, and behavioral changes that an individual undergoes as result of immigration (Buttenheim, A. , Pebley, A. , Hsih, K. , Chung, C. , Goldman, N. , 2012). The drastic changes in lifestyle and social interactions that immigrants encounter upon arriving to the United States often put them at risk for negative health consequences (Ogden et al. , 2009). Of the negative health outcomes associated with OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 4 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS?acculturation in Mexican children, obesity is significant because it has implications for development of chronic diseases such as heart disease and Type II Diabetes (CDC, 2009). Mexican children are at increased risk for obesity upon immigration to the United States and are predisposed to development of chronic diseases,(Buscemi, J. , Beech, B. , Relyea, G. , 2011). Mexican American mothers’ views on obesity, 40% of mothers with overweight children did not identify overweight as a health issue (Ariza et al. , 2004). When weight was used as an indicator of health, parents were more concerned with the health of skinny children than overweight children. Mexican American mothers were concerned with having thin children because a thin child could become sick and die (Small, L. , Melnyk, B. , Anderson-Gifford, D. , Hampl, J. 2009). A second and less studied mechanism linking nativity of US immigrants to obesity risk is the interconnectedness of the food environment and migration dynamics in the sending country (Buttenheim et al. , 2012). This is particularly relevant in the case of obesity risk for Mexican-origin children in the US, given the large, circular migration flows between the two countries and the well-documented nutrition transition underway in Mexico (Popkin Udry, 1998). This transition is characterized by a shift from unprocessed and low energy density diets to highly processed, energy dense foods. The transition is due in part to new food marketing strategies and a simultaneous decrease in physical activity that has accompanied urbanization and economic development in Mexico (Popkin Udry, 1998). Mexico’s nutrition transition has been notably rapid: Mexico now has the second highest rates of adult obesity among OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries (after the US) (Rosas, 2011). A potential explanation for the increased obesity rates within the Mexican immigrants in the US is acculturative stress (Van Hook et al. , 2011). Mexican-origin immigrants, are often faced with discrimination based on race/ethnicity and immigrant status. This discrimination, in turn, leads to chronic stress and psycho-physiological stress responses, which are known to affect health over the long run . Thus, the process of integration into a society that views Mexican-origin immigrants as being of lower status than other social and racial/ethnic groups may itself result in chronic health problems, even if health behaviors remain constant over time and across immigrant generation. Why would duration of time in the US and immigrant generation affect obesity? The acculturation literature has emphasized the importance of dietary changes by duration in the US and across generation: increased acculturation is hypothesized to lead to decreased consumption of healthy foods and increased consumption of processed high OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 5 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? fat/sugar foods. Gordon-Larsen et al. (2003) reported that first generation Mexican immigrant adolescents eat more rice, beans, fruit, and vegetables and less cheese and fast food than second generation Mexican-origin immigrants. Kaiser and colleagues (2007) say that acculturation seems to be a contributing factor for obesity amongst Mexican children. Acculturation can be defined as the process by which immigrants adopt the attitudes, values, customs, beliefs, and behaviors of a new culture. Two studies reported their findings on acculturation and potential implications on the nutritional status of Mexican American children. Kaiser and colleagues (2007) concluded that less acculturated mothers were more likely to provide alternate food choices when a child would not eat and use child-feeding strategies that may contribute to childhood overweight, such as bribes, threats, and punishment. Ariza, Chen, Binns, and Christoffel (2004) conducted a study to test their hypothesis that overweight was more prevalent in highly acculturated Mexican American children aged 5 to 6 years; however, the results did not substantiate an association between overweight and acculturation in this population. Duerksen and colleagues (2007) reported that increased levels of acculturation may lead to higher rates of overweight among Mexican American families if they were eating more meals at fast-food and buffet-style restaurants rather than selecting traditional, authentic Mexican restaurants. Studies indicated that less acculturated Mexican Americans consumed less fat, and more fiber, protein, vitamins A, C, E and B6, folate, calcium, potassium, and magnesium than their more acculturated counterparts (Rosas et al. 2011). Most research conducted across age groups and outcomes indicates that newly-arrived and less acculturated immigrants are healthier and live longer than natives. Unfortunately, this health advantage dissipates with duration of U. S. residence and does not extend to the next generation. In addition to the influence of parents’ acculturation on children’s behaviors, children can accelerate the acculturation process for their families as well because children are more likely to have a consistent exposure to typical American foods at school and likely to affect purchasing decisions of their parents. One of the biggest changes in children’s diets after moving to the United States has been suggested to be with the foods children consume at school. It has been reported that although Mexican American children liked the traditional ethnic foods they received at home, they preferred the American foods they were served at school (e.g. , pizza, hamburgers) (Rosas et al. 2011). Furthermore, there seemed to be a lack of awareness among children about the healthfulness of traditional Mexican foods (such as fruits, vegetables, and beans) or potential health risks of the typical American diet, which was perceived as pizza, hotdogs, hamburgers, and French fries. As children develop their own self and ethnic identities, they may seek separation from their parents and acceptance from their peers, and they may identify fast food and other less healthful food options with the United States culture. This can eventually lead to less healthful dietary patterns both for children and their families because children are likely to affect food-purchasing OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 6 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? decisions in their households (Rosas et al. 2011). When looking into the influence of acculturation on food intake behaviors among children and youths, another important element of the social environment must be addressed: media exposure. Media exposure can have detrimental influences at both ends of the spectrum in terms of eating behaviors: children may adopt an unrealistically thin body image through exposure to popular culture, and unhealthy dieting practices or eating disorders may follow. Alternatively, they may increase their consumption of nutrient-poor, energy-dense foods that they are exposed to through advertisements, and this type of behavior may eventually lead to overweight status. There have been some initiatives to limit food marketing aiming at children, but nutritionally poor and energy dense foods (e.g. , high sugar cereals, candy, soft drinks, chips) still constitute the majority of the foods advertised on television (Kunkel et al. 2009). Several reports indicate that children choose advertised foods at significantly higher rates and attempt to influence their parents to purchase these foods. Unfortunately, advertisement of the nutritionally inferior food choices is not limited to television only; it is widespread through a variety of channels such as schools (vending machines, corporate sponsorship of school events and materials, etc. ), and online applications(e.g. , interactive games, sweepstakes, computer screensavers). Media exposure among children has been increasing over the past 10 years, and according to the 2009 estimates (Kunkel et al. 2009). American children spend about 7. 4 hours per day using or watching media such as television, computers, video games or movies. These estimates seem to be even higher among minorities) and individuals with lower socio economical status( SES) (Sussner et al. 2009). Hispanic youths were reported to spend about 5. 5 hours per day watching television while this estimate was 3. 5 hours per day for non-Hispanic whites in 2009. Moreover, screen time seems to increase with greater acculturation (Gordon-Larsen et al. 2003). The data from the 2003–04 National Survey of Children’s Health indicated that, in comparison to U. S. -born non-Hispanic white children with U. S. -born parents, foreign-born Hispanic children with immigrant parents were 31 percent more likely and U. S. -born Hispanic children with U. S. -born parents were 51 percent more likely to watch television. Although foreign-born Hispanics seem to be less likely to consume less healthful foods (Osypuk et al.2009), a reverse trend can be seen if these foods are more expensive in the country of origin but cheaper in the United States. For example, qualitative studies indicated that lower cost and increased availability were among the reasons for Mexican Americans to consume snacks, sweets, and fast food more in the United States . An earlier report pointed out that some foods, such as mayonnaise, margarine, and salad dressing were considered high-status items by many low-income families in Latin America (Romero-Gwynn et al. 1993). Similarly, Mexican adults living in Florida reported that in addition to fast food not being as readily available in their native country, it was more expensive than in the United States and therefore, they tended to eat fast food only for special occasions in their native OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 7 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? country. Once these types of foods become more readily available and affordable for the immigrants in the United States, an increase in the consumption levels would be expected. Lower costs, widespread availability, and the convenience of fast food in the United States appear to be an enticing solution especially for time-strapped immigrant families with children (Lindsay et al. 2009). Qualitative studies among immigrants suggest a more relaxed lifestyle in Mexico versus a very busy lifestyle in the United States that leaves less time to cook or prepare foods. This type of lifestyle makes convenience foods very appealing, and it is likely to result in an increase in fast food consumption (Gray et al. 2005). In addition to the economic conditions related to the food environment, limited socioeconomic abilities of individuals also put immigrants at greater risk for unhealthy food intake patterns and entailing health issues. Higher rates of food insecurity and low SES among minorities and immigrants are likely to force individuals to purchase relatively cheaper and filling, but often nutrient-poor, energy-dense foods (Drewnowski and Darmon 2005). A binational study that was conducted in the United States and Mexico provided support for these eating patterns, and it also pointed out the country- or culture-specific variations in these associations. In the United States sample of this study, children with food insecurity were more likely to consume fat, saturated fat, sweets, and fried snacks compared to their food secure counterparts. In Mexico, however, food insecure (versus food secure) children displayed a different food intake pattern that was characterized by higher intakes of carbohydrates, dairy, and vitamin B6 (Rosas et al. 2009). One of the least studied aspects of the relationship between socioeconomic factors and food intake is the residential context and demographic makeup of the neighborhoods. One of the few studies that examined this context in a mostly Hispanic (but mixed ethnic) sample suggested that greater density of immigrants in residential areas was positively related to fruit and vegetable intake after controlling for individual factors such as age, race/ethnicity, language, country of birth, and education (Dubowitz et al. 2008). Another study also reported that high-fat/processed food intake (fats, oils, processed meats, fried potatoes, salty snacks, desserts) was lower in immigrant-dense neighborhoods even after controlling for SES, demographic factors, and acculturation (Rosas et al.2011). These results indicate beneficial dietary intake patterns for all residents (immigrant or not) residing in that area. Some of the potential factors underlying these results could be resulting from socioeconomic advantages through greater social capital, availability of stores with healthier ethnic food options, and higher consumption of healthier food intake habits, social norms, and values in the ethnically dense neighborhoods (Dubowitz et al. 2008). OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 8 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? Highly acculturated Hispanic adults were more likely to have higher BMIs than their less acculturated counterparts. Similarly, second or third generation Hispanic youths were reported to be more likely overweight than their first generation counterparts (Popkin and Udry 1998). For adults, the difference in the overweight status by acculturation seems to be seen usually in a range of 10 to 21 years of residence in the United States, but interestingly, BMI differences were detectable by age two among less acculturated mothers’ children in a mostly Hispanic sample (Sussner et al. 2009). Some of the mechanisms underlying these findings could be the existence of cultural beliefs that associate overweight status among children with perception of good health (Sussner et al. 2009), failing to recognize overweight status, or acceptance of a larger body size as a desirable body image among Hispanics. Taken together, these cultural preferences can lead to obesity over time with the additional contribution of the typical environment in the United States that stimulates consumption of energy-dense foods and discourages physical activities. Certain food intake patterns (e. g., energy-dense foods) can lead to overweight or obese status as people acculturate. Although a factor analysis of nationally representative data from the NHANES 2001–02 did not indicate a specific dietary intake pattern in relationship to BMI or waist circumference (as measures of overall or central adiposity) among Mexican Americans (Carrera et al. 2007), it is possible that dietary intake might be related to obesity indirectly, or collectively with other lifestyle factors (e. g. , physical activity). It is also possible that the effects might be most pronounced at specific time periods during acculturation. Supporting this potential mechanism is the results from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health indicating that increased probability of overweight, which was related to changes in lifestyle factors (i. e. , screen time, diet), was detectable among first generation Mexican adolescents but not among second (or more) generation participants (Gordon-Larsen et al. 2003). Although social economic status (SES) is also linked to obesity, this association seems to vary depending on the SES measures used and also by race or ethnicity. For example, in a nationally representative sample of children, both education and income were negatively related to BMI among non-Hispanic whites, but only income was positively related to BMI among Hispanics (Balistreri and Van Hook 2009). As suggested by the authors, increasing education level may be a reflection of changes in knowledge, learning abilities, social class, and personal skills while higher income among immigrants might be an indicator of greater purchasing capacity, which can result in less healthful eating patterns in the absence of adequate nutrition knowledge, skills, and a healthful food environment. SES also seems to have gender-specific and long-term consequences. Data from a nationally representative longitudinal survey among adolescents indicated that there was a strong positive association between long-term (persistent) low SES and obesity among females. Among males, however, obesity rates were highest among those who had a socioeconomically disadvantaged beginning but gained autonomy, for example, home ownership later on. Most importantly, the report pointed out that the effect of SES on OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 9 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS?obesity was probably initiated before adolescence (Scharoun-Lee et al. 2009). Conclusion: The research has shown that second generation Mexican children are in fact more prone to obesity than their first generation counterparts. Causative factors such as media exposure, school lunch programs, socio-economic factors, and the influence of parents’ own acculturation into American society are all factors that can be addressed through various means with legislative, policy changes, and education. Then we can begin to affect positively the rising trend of obesity in second generation Mexican children in the United States. OBESITY AMONGST MEXICAN CHILDREN: ARE FIRST GENERATION MEXICAN CHILDREN 10 MORE PRONE TO OBESITY THAN THEIR SECOND GENERATION COUNTERPARTS? References: Abraido-Lanza, A. , White, K. , Vasques, E. (2004)Immigrant populations and health. In: Anderson N, editor. Encyclopedia of health and behavior. Newbury Park, CA: Sage; 2004. p. 533–537. Ariza, A. J. , Chen, E. H. , Binns, H. J. , Christoffel, K. K. (2004). Risk factors for overweight in 5 to 6-year old Hispanic American children: A pilot study. Journal of Urban Heath, 81 (1), 150-161. Balistreri, K. , Van Hook, J. (2007). 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Spectroscopy: The Search for Extraterrestrial Life Essay -- Astronomy

Throughout history humanity has been fascinated by the existence of extraterrestrial life. Today such ventures are in the development process and the discovery of life beyond our solar system, no matter how primitive, may soon become a huge(important?) scientific breakthrough. The three basic things that are required to consider a place even remotely habitable are water, a source of energy, and organic materials. Habitability also depends on other factors that must also be taken into consideration such as how close the planet is to its star (in the case of our solar system, the sun), how long the water and organic materials existed there, and the size and mass of the planet. One must not confuse habitable with inhabited. The term habitable suggests only that there is a possibility that life could exist, not necessarily that life was present or still is. For more than a decade the interest of searching for exoplanets (planets beyond our solar system) that are Earth-like has grown. At present, NASA’s Kepler mission is searching almost 170,000 stars for orbiting planets. (Astronomy, April 2011, p.31). Only recently have discoveries of exoplanets been confirmed, although astronomers have been searching for such planets for centuries. One method employed by astronomers for planetary discovery, that uses data collected by the Kepler spacecraft, is the transit method. A transiting planet is a planet that passes in front of its host star as seen from Earth. (Wolf, 2007) In essence, what is detected is a slight dimming in the host star’s light. Astronomers then determine whether the planet in the habitable zone of its star. The habitable zone (HZ) is the area around a star where it is possible for water to remain liquid on the surf... ... expensive venture. What is possible now is to pinpoint the planets with the best odds in supporting life. For now, perhaps the best approach is to stay close to home and explore the planets in our solar system. Works Cited Villard, R. (2011, April). Hunting for earthlike planets. Astronomy, 39(4), 28-33. Johnson, J. A. (2011, April). The stars that host planets. Sky & Telescope, 121(4), 22-27. Field, T. (2011, August). Spectroscopy for everyone. Sky & Telescope, 122(2), 68-71. What is spectroscopy?. (2004, August 7). Retrieved from http://kicp-yerkes.uchicago.edu/2004-summer/pdf/ysi2004-spectroscopy.pdf Wolf, P. (2007, August). Extrasolar planets. Retrieved from http://lasp.colorado.edu/education/outerplanets/exoplanets.php Smith, A. W., & Cooper, J. N. (1979). Elements of physics. (9th ed., pp. 373-376). Toronto: McGraw-Hill.

Why Was Hitler Appointed Chancellor in January 1933

Why was Hitler appointed Chancellor in January 1933 On the 30th January 1933, one of the most important events of the twentieth century occurred, Adolf Hitler, leader of the Nazi Party, became Chancellor of Germany. From its foundations as a small, anti-communist party in the aftermath of World War I it was now the leading political party in Germany. Hitler would eventually become Fuhrer and provoke a second world war.Hitler’s rise to power was based upon long term factors and can not be attributed to one event but a mixture of factors including events occurring outside Germany, the strengths of the Nazi party, the weakness of the other parties within Germany, resentment in the German people, the weakness of the Weimar system which he took advantage of through propaganda, the terror of his storm troopers and the fineness of his speeches. Hitler used these factors to his benefit and in 1933 he legitimately gained power to become chancellor.November 1923 was when Hitler first tr ied to seize power in the Munich Putsch he marched to Berlin with his followers to take over control but they never actually left Munich. During this time 16 Nazi’s were killed and 3 policemen. Although Hitler went to prison for this, he used this time to dictate his book ‘Mein Kampf’, he had show trials which boosted propaganda and became an almost celebrity. Hitler was meant to be in jail for 5 years, but was let out after 9 months. By now he was already starting to catch the attention of the public – a strong nationalist leader appealed to them.In 1929 the American Stock Exchange collapsed and caused an economic depression this was called the Wall Street Crash and led to America calling in all of its foreign loans, which in turn destroyed Weimar Germany. Unemployment then rose to 6 million in Germany. The government cut expenditures, wages and unemployment pay and they started to print more money, by now Germany was in a really bad state and no one knew how they would get themselves out of this rut. Many workers turned to communism which inevitably frightened wealthy businessmen who ‘fueled the fire’ by giving Hitler the money to run his propaganda election campaigns.Deep anger about the First World War and the Treaty of Versailles created an underlying bitterness to which Hitler’s viciousness and expansionism appealed. Nazi propaganda persuaded the German masses to believe that the Jews were to blame and that Hitler was their last hope. In fact, there were many people in Germany who wanted a return to dictatorship. Hitler was a brilliant speaker; he was a good organiser and politician. He was a driven, unstable man, who believed that he had been called by God to become dictator of Germany and rule the world. This kept him going when other people might have given up.His self-belief persuaded people to believe in him. Propaganda alone was a really important factor in Hitler’s rise to power, it ‘brai nwashed’ the German people into electing them through techniques of persuasion and reinforced existing attitudes and beliefs. Parades, symbols, uniforms, banners, bands and the marching columns of the SA attracted attention and interest. Germans turned to Nazism because they were desperate, the number of Nazi seats in the Reichstag rose from 12 in 1928 to 230 in July 1932. In November 1932 elections the Nazis again failed to get a majority of seats in the Reichstag.Their share of the vote fell – from 230 seats to only 196. Franz von Papen who was the current Chancellor could not get enough support in the Reichstag, therefore Hindenburg and von Papen were having to govern by emergency decree under Article 48 of the Constitution and offered Hitler the post of vice-Chancellor if he promised to support them. Hitler refused – he demanded to be made Chancellor, so Von Papen and Hindenburg took a risk believing that by having only 2 other Nazis they would be able to ke ep control. Many people believe that Hitler took control by force but, in actual fact, he was given it.

John Constable

Constable, John – 1776–1837, English painter, b. Suffolk. Constable and Turner were the leading figures in English landscape painting of the 19th cent. Constable became famous for his landscapes of Suffolk, Hampstead, Salisbury, and Brighton. The son of a prosperous miller, he showed artistic talent while very young but did not devote himself to art until he was 23, when he went to London to study at the Royal Academy.Influenced by the 17th-century landscape painters Ruisdael and Claude Lorrain, his poetic approach to nature paralleled in spirit that of his contemporary, the poet Wordsworth. Constable's direct observations of nature and his free use of broken color were extraordinary in his day. He received but modest recognition in England, being tardily admitted to the Royal Academy in 1829. His work was more popular in France. In 1824, his View on the Stour (1819) and The Hay Wain (1821; National Gall. London) were exhibited at the Salon in Paris, winning gold medals . His work made a profound impression on the French romantics including the young Delacroix and Bonington. Later his painting influenced the Barbizon school and, more indirectly, the general course of French 19th-century landscape art. In the United States he is represented in the Metropolitan Museum and the Frick Collection, New York City, in the Mellon Center for British Art, New Haven, Conn. , and in the galleries of Philadelphia, Toledo, and Chicago.Splendid examples of his work are contained in the National Gallery, London and the Victoria and Albert Museum. See catalogue of the latter collection by G. Reynolds (1960); C. R. Leslie, Memoirs of the Life of John Constable (enl. ed. 1937); collections of his letters by P. Holmes (1931) and R. B. Beckett (1962); biography by B. Taylor (1973); studies by C. Peacock (rev. ed. 1972) and R. Gadney (1976). The Columbia Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition Copyright © 2004, Columbia University Press. Licensed from Lernout & Hauspie Speech Produ cts N. V. All rights reserved.

Coordinate and Noncoordinate Adjectives

Coordinate and Noncoordinate Adjectives Coordinate and Noncoordinate Adjectives Coordinate and Noncoordinate Adjectives By Mark Nichol An adjective is a word that provides detail about, or modifies, a noun. Adjectives are sometimes confused with adverbs, which modify verbs. The -verb in adverb gives you a clue, as does the -ject in adjective just like the -ject in object: The names of objects are always nouns. Two divisions of adjectives are coordinate and noncoordinate adjectives. Coordinate adjectives are two or more adjectives, separated by commas, that parallel each other in modifying a noun. To test whether adjectives are coordinate, you can replace comma(s) with and. If the sentence makes sense with that change, and if you can rearrange the adjectives in any order without compromising sense, they pass the test. Take the sentence â€Å"See the box.† Insert an adjective: â€Å"See the big box.† Then, insert another: â€Å"See the big, brown box.† Now, replace the comma with and: â€Å"See the big and brown box.† Make sense? Yes. Now, reverse the adjectives: â€Å"See the brown, big box.† Make sense? Yes, it does, though it doesn’t roll off the tongue as trippingly; conventions have been established in English that determine which types of adjectives have priority than others in such constructions, and â€Å"See the brown, big box† violates one of those conventions. However, it’s just mildly awkward sounding, not nonsensical. Now, replace the comma with and: â€Å"See the brown and big box.† Make sense? Yes. Again, it’s not elegant, but it makes sense. But consider this sentence: â€Å"See the big, bread box.† The comma seems wrong. Why? Test it: â€Å"See the big and bread box.† Un-uh. â€Å"See the bread, big box.† Nope. â€Å"See the bread and big box.† Ix-nay. What gives? In this sentence and its attempted variants, big and bread are noncoordinate adjectives. In the original sentence, the idea is that the box is big and the box is brown the adjectives are parallel in purpose. But in â€Å"See the big, bread box,† big modifies â€Å"bread box,† a permanent open compound (a noun consisting of two or more words that have developed a distinct meaning). The sentence does not state that the box is big and the box is bread; it states that the bread box is big. So, just as â€Å"See the big box† needs no comma between the adjective and the noun, â€Å"See the big bread box† requires no comma between the adjective and the permanent open compound (which consists of an adjective and a noun). The adjective big and the adjective bread have different functions; therefore, they are noncoordinate. But note that compounds do not have to be permanent for this rule to apply. Test this more complex sentence: â€Å"The British Council is the United Kingdom’s government-backed, cultural-promotion agency.† Replace and with a comma: â€Å"The British Council is the United Kingdom’s government-backed and cultural-promotion agency.† Reverse the adjectives: â€Å"The British Council is the United Kingdom’s cultural-promotion, government-backed agency.† Reverse the adjectives and replace and with a comma: â€Å"The British Council is the United Kingdom’s cultural-promotion and government-backed agency.† These sentences are beyond awkward. In this case, â€Å"cultural-promotion agency† is a temporary open compound that is described here as being government backed. When adjectives are noncoordinate, no comma is required, so even though this is a complex sentence, omit internal punctuation (or recast and relax it, as with this option: â€Å"The British council, a cultural-promotion agency, is backed by the government of the United Kingdom.†) Want to improve your English in five minutes a day? Get a subscription and start receiving our writing tips and exercises daily! Keep learning! Browse the Grammar category, check our popular posts, or choose a related post below:20 Words with More Than One SpellingEmpathy "With" or Empathy "For"?20 Classic Novels You Can Read in One Sitting

Lingo - Definition and Examples

Lingo s An informal term for the special vocabulary of a particular group or field: jargon.Language or speech that is perceived as strange or unintelligible. Plural: lingoes. Etymology: From the Latin lingua   , tongue Examples and Observations Cowboy Lingo The various buildings on the ranch had their various slang names. The main house, or house of the owner, was known as the white house (its usual color, if painted), the Big House, Bulls Mansh, or headquarters. The bunkhouse was equally well known as the dog-house, dice-house, dump, shack, or dive, while the cook-shack, if it was a separate building, was spoken of as the mess-house, grub-house, feed-trough, feed-bag, nose-bag, or swallow-an-git-out trough.   (Ramon Frederick Adams, Cowboy Lingo. Houghton, 2000) Australian Lingoes To speak the lingo is to become a member of a group that shares a sense of itself and expresses that sense in its own language. In the sense of the Great Australian Lingo that group consists of all its speakersmost Australians, in fact. There are also many other lingoes, past and present, that are and have been spoken in Australia by different groups, or speech communities as they are called. . . .What does the term TALK RIVER mean, for example? You almost certainly will not know unless you worked in or were close to the Murray River boat trade. In that speech community, it means to talk about matters relating to the river, its people and its business. Unless you are involved with the welding trade you would be unlikely to know that STICK and TIC refer to different forms of weldingSTICK is with flame heat and TIC with an electric arc. Nor would you know what a KROMER CAP is.​  (Graham Seal, The Lingo: Listening to Australian English. UNSW Press, 1999) Hospital Lingo Like any specialized jargon, the shoptalk used by residents not only conveys facts but provides a running commentary on the absurdities of hospital life...A sampling of current resident-speak follows, drawn from the wards of a busy teaching hospital.Banana bag: an intravenous solution containing a liquid multivitamin that colors the fluid a bright yellow, used in undernourished or alcoholic patients. Doc-in-the-box: an urgent-care walk-in clinic. Hes moonlighting at a doc-in-the-box downtown.Gomer: shorthand for Get out of my emergency room. Any undesirable patient, usually one that is unkempt, demented, combative or any combination of the above...Tail-light sign: when a patient (usually elderly) is dropped off at an emergency room by relatives who drive away before an evaluation is complete, forcing the patient to be admitted to the hospital whether or not his medical condition requires it.Wallet biopsy: checking a patients insurance or financial status before embarking on expensive procedures.  (adapted from Hospital Lingo: Whats a Bed Plug? An L.O.L. in N.A.D. by Sheilendr Khipple. The New York Times, May 13, 2001) The Use of War Lingo by Journalists Back in August, the [Associated Press] issued a memo about how to convey campaign coverage, and it included this passage: war lingo - use criticized instead of attacked, or choose a better verb to describe what the candidate is doing, i.e., challenging, doubting, etc. Also avoidable: launch an assault, take aim, open fire, bombard. AP Deputy Managing Editor for Standards Tom Kent lays out the thinking behind the rules: We’ve long felt it’s a good idea to avoid weapons metaphors when we’re not talking about real weapons. Even beyond evoking memories of violent events, we think frequent use of these terms in non-military situations smacks of overdramatization and hyping, writes Kent via e-mail.  (Erik Wemple, No More Taking Aim,’ ‘Blasting,’ ‘Sniping’! The Washington Post, December 20, 2012) A Parody of Social Science Lingo The lingo used by sociologists and such annoys many reasonable people. Richard D. Fay of M.I.T. is one of them. Last week the Washington Star picked up a letter he had written to the Harvard Alumni Bulletin in which he showed how the Gettysburg Address would sound, lumbered up in that lingo:​ Eight and seven-tenths decades ago, the pioneer workers in this continental area implemented a new group based on an ideology of free boundaries and initial conditions of equality. We are now actively engaged in an overall evaluation of conflicting factors . . . We are met in an area of maximum activity among the conflicting factors . . . to assign permanent positions to the units which have been annihilated in the process of attaining a steady state. This procedure represents standard practice at the administrative level.From a more comprehensive viewpoint, we cannot assignwe cannot integratewe cannot implement this area . . . The courageous units, in being annihilated . . . have integrated it to the point where the application of simple arithmetical operations to include our efforts would produce only negligible effects . . .It is preferable for this group to be integrated with the incompleted implementation . . . that we here resolve at a high ethical level that the deceased shall not have been annihilated without furthering the projectthat this group . . . shall implement a new source of unhampered activityand that political supervision composed of the integrated units, for the integrated units, and by the integrated units shall not perish from . . . this planet. (Lumbering Lingo. Time, August 13, 1951) The Decline of Lunch Counter Lingo [T]he vitality of lunch-counter speechcats eyes for tapioca, baby for a glass of milk, jerk for ice cream soda, and Adam and Eve on a raft for fried eggs on toasthad a raciness about it that many people sought to put an end to in the late 1930s.  (John F. Mariani, The Dictionary of American Food and Drink. Hearst Books, 1994) Pronunciation: LIN-go

African American Families Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

African American Families - Essay Example This proposal will deal on how to address the problem drugs and substance abuse. In a 2012 study conducted by Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), discovered that black people accounted for 43.2% of the people who used drugs in that year and makeup for nearly half of the population of the people who used drugs. Among the drugs used include marijuana which accounted for 18%, cocaine 3% stimulants 5%, and alcohol was ranked as the top most abused drug at 64%. While the national average for illicit drug use was 7.9% that of the black youths was 9.5% obviously higher than the national average, Marijuana use increased from 5.9% to 7.5% that is a worrying trend. This proposal will deal on building a rehabilitation center where victims of the drugs and substance abuse can be rehabilitated, taken care of until they are back on their feet. The rehab center will focus on carrying out several programs to help the victims. There will be age appropriate activities and programs for the affected youths and the members of their families who are indirectly affected. Enrichment programs- these programs will be carried out in order to support character development. These programs will focus on prevention measures, problem solving and critical and creative thinking. The prevention measures programs will be channeled towards, strengthening a persons refusal skills, conflict reduction and building on self-esteem. Adult education programs- this program will be open to both the parents of the affected young adults and the general public. It will focus on: lessons will be offered on parenting skills, conflict resolution, and also in how to cope with family members who are users. The general public will be taught on how to deal with the victims without stigmatization. Integrating of services- the rehabilitation center will be responsible for training the staff to identify people who deserve to be enrolled in the